A state of flux; a continuous drifting in and out of crisis situations; this has been the regrettable fate of Sri Lanka throughout the post independent period.  Sri Lanka was just beginning to come to grips with UNHRC Resolution when the country moved bang into the Dambulla confrontational stand between Temple and Mosque, and with Kovil on the fringe, stirring up the majoritarian stand-off with the minorities.  This time around there emerges another paradigm in the conflict configuration, the arrogance of religious predominance.

The US resolution at the UNHRC, which India predictably supported, because of the prevarications of the Sri Lankan establishment’s delays in concluding an effective political settlement to the five decade old ethnic issue.  At a public meeting in Delhi Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stated in what could be interpreted as a conciliatory gesture: ‘we don’t want to infringe on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty but our concerns should be expressed so Tamils get justice and dignity”. (Indian Express)  The Indian government has waited for three long years for Sri Lanka for to deliver on her assurances to India on incorporating through constitutional process, the minorities as stakeholders in the government.

This vexed question that is being tossed around once again, is one to which many solutions have been concluded only to be discarded under extremist pressure; it is therefore a question of culling what is already available and reaching a consensus.  It must not be forgotten that the 13th Amendment worked out by both the Sri Lankan and Indian Governments in 1987 for the resolution of the ethnic crisis, is a part of the constitution and has been implemented for over two decades in all but the conflict areas.  With the end of the war the Eastern Province too has got its own provincial council duly elected and functioning.  The Northern Province faces an unhealthy delay in holding the provincial council elections, which is in place in the rest of the country, apropos with the shortcomings in its implementation documented by many writers.  The two decade old 13th Amendment has proved to be sustainable.

Except for the Eastern Province, the rest of the provincial councils are in areas with a predominance of the majority community. Therefore until now to vest or not to vest police and land powers in the provincial councils did not feature prominently.  In fact any encroachments into provincial powers by the Centre were accommodated as it was all in the family so to say.  It is with the emergence of the minorities as stake holders that fears have crept in as to the wisdom of giving land and police powers to the provinces.  Why this should be a worrying issue is a searching question, because in the last resort the Centre has control over the defense forces as well as finance which can be used effectively to curb any feared excesses by the provincial administration.

The long line of discussion  from the APRC, to the LLRC, to the political dialogue with the TNA and now the Select Committee AND the request that the political parties present their viewpoints on the subject of power sharing, appear to be a very home grown delaying tactic like the parangia kotte giya vage.  All this is happening in the context of a resilient TNA that is making (apart from a few in the party) very clear pronouncements for reconciliation and integration. Mr. T. Sampanthan has unequivocally stated that they are for a unitary state and no longer look to Eelam as an alternative; they are, he has stated in parliament, for ‘reconciliation but not for assimilation’; the hoisting of the national flag on Sri Lankan May day by Mr. Sampanthan at the May day rally in Jaffna, is a monumental gesture that needs to be noted as a definitive move for reconciliation and unity in no uncertain terms. One observes a seriousness and urgency on the part of the TNA to complete the process of reconciliation as equal stakeholders with dignity and self- respect.

If a political decision on power sharing is worked out without all the unnecessary procrastinations, which inevitably give rise to numerous other issues that surface to stall the process, it is possible to be reasonably certain that it will put an end to all the international probes and queries.  Sri Lanka can regain her dignity as a sovereign democratic nation and concentrate on reconciliation and development to strengthen the country.

It is at this critical moment that the Dambulla eruption happened to send shock waves of a possible religious confrontation, a feature that has never been an issue in this country.  While the country celebrates the 2600th anniversary of the Buddha it beguiles one’s comprehension that anyone with the least amount of knowledge of Buddhist teaching in their training would attempt to rabble rouse their flock to object to another religious representation in the form of a mosque or a kovil cited in the precincts of the heritage site.  The Buddha standing watch on the Dambulla rock must surely reminisce, even as he did when he attained enlightenment and wondered with whom he would share his newfound knowledge:

“Enough of teaching of the dhamma
That even I found hard to reach;
For it will never be perceived
By those that live in lust and hate”.

It would seem that the priest who led the mob to attack the mosque missed the essence of Buddhism and the Budddha’s exhortation that those who go to realize the ‘supreme goal of holy life’ “….rightly go forth from the house life into homelessness”.  Where is the space for claims of possessiveness of land?  Where is the space for the monk who chastised and threatened to throw a Tamil woman and her entire clan out of the area for claiming to have worshipped at the kovil within the Dambulla rock area as long as she could recall. The monk must be made to re-familiarize himself with at least some of the Buddha’s exhortations so that he can instruct his flock the word of the Buddha with greater authenticity:

How blest to both kind and good,
To practice self-restraint to all
How blest from passion to be free,
All sensuous joys to let pass by!
Yet highest bliss enjoyeth he
Who quits the pride of “I am I”.

In reviewing objectively the events of the last few months what emerges is the persistent odour of an administration suffering from a deficit in good governance practices.  Civil disturbances of the past beginning with communal upheavals from the late 50’s, the JVP uprisings, the politically engineered ’83 pogrom, the three decade challenge by the Tamil community to the State lead to the entrenchment of the culture of violence that penetrated both the government and sections of the populace.  The pervasive sense of lawlessness and impunity that grew out of it all created a sense of immunity to the powerful and vulnerability to the ‘powerless’.  In such a scenario powerful persons from the political, financial and the underworld became the pillars of strength reigning supreme and creating a widespread network of patronage resulting in ‘social fragmentation’.  It has been commented by political analysts that this is usually ‘reinforced by ethnic, linguistic, and other forms of identity cleavage that keeps the oppressed from collaborating and enables the privileged to rally ready political support”.  The accusation is made that ‘predatory elites mobilize ethnic tensions or nationalism in order to direct public frustration and resentment away from their own exploitative behavior”. The law and order breaks down, the judicial system works below par, authoritarianism in the political system increases, constitutionalism gets progressively devalued while problems of corruption, organized crime and other societal ills begin to penetrate politics and government.  Independent media coverage becomes the first casualty and the entire structure become susceptible to manipulation by all sorts of interest groups.   The classical analysis of a ‘predatory state’ bears close comparison to events unfolding in the country.

The urgent plea for the moment is to work the correctives to the system so that we can exploit the peace dividend that the country has been fortunate to secure delivered by this government.  Across the spectrum civil society communities must come together to create a sense of community well- being, through building bridges to create the anchor to respect the other on a secure foundation of equality, trust and cooperation.  This must reach horizontally and vertically to all corners of the country. If respect and the true worth on the calculation of equality is built it will be possible for people to recognize differences amongst the members of the community and progressively cultivate a sense of understanding born out of the realization of the natural law that people are different and hold different view- points and that this need not deter them from living in harmony and dignity in an atmosphere of tolerance and ‘loving kindness’.  A union of spirit that is thus created will help the different communities to build the nation together as equal partners.  There may or may not be an odd flag carrier for dissident forces but the sagacity of the people will be demonstrated by ignoring errant occurrences and move on.

Creating institutions and governance processes to propagate the building of strong mechanisms for effective governance that will rely on laws and not personalities will be the key to a revival in good governance.  For a start the pivotal position of Parliament must be restored as the body that represents the people and that therefore key to the governance process must be vested in this body.   An effective opposition be permitted to grow in strength to act as an alternative government and not be seen as divisive as they do now which then gives one section of the political divide greater power tilting towards increasing authoritarianism.  If the leadership gives clear and undiluted commands that they will not brook the creation of tensions within the different ethnic and religious communities no one will dare to make ad hoc confrontational stance as in the recent Dambulla configuration.  If there has been fear that those breaking the peace will be arrested there would have been few takers to disrupt the people at prayer in the mosque.  If respect for all is real there will be no question of demanding that the mosque be removed.  If the message of tolerance is ingrained in the people there would be no such upheavals. It is up to the authorities to make a clear statement in the name of unity and reconciliation that would prevent repetition of such events again.  The ball is squarely in the court of good governance.

Image courtesy BBC